AYESHA JALAL THE SOLE SPOKESMAN PDF

Shelves: favorites , history , politics , cultural-pakistan , cultural-india , non-fiction , biography-memoir The book is based on the doctoral dissertation submitted to the Cambridge University while the author was pursuing her PhD degree. The book focuses on the political strategies employed by the Muslim League and their leader, the Sole Spokesman, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, in the run-up to the partition. The author challenges the existing historical facts by diligently analyzing intentions of Jinnah and building an argument that Jinnah never intended to seek Pakistan as an independent State for the The book is based on the doctoral dissertation submitted to the Cambridge University while the author was pursuing her PhD degree. The author challenges the existing historical facts by diligently analyzing intentions of Jinnah and building an argument that Jinnah never intended to seek Pakistan as an independent State for the Muslims of India, but instead he used the idea of Pakistan as a bargaining counter to safeguard the rights of the Muslims in the Muslim Minority Provinces and to get maximum of provincial autonomy for the Muslim majority provinces.

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Once the Cabinet had given the go-ahead[in March-April ], the way was clear to offer Jinnah the alternatives of a small Pakistan with sovereign rights and treaty relations with Hindustan, or a larger Pakistan with some minor boundary adjustments and only excluding Assam inside a federation with Hindustan. There was to be no union legislature and any question at the centre on which the two federal units failed to agree would be referred back to their respective group legislatures.

Agreement would not be imposed by central dictate, but by agreement between two federated governments. Now the [Cabinet] Mission offered [Jinnah] the substance of what he was really after. His Pakistan did not intend to throw the advantages of an undivided Punjab and Bengal to the winds, nor did it plan to leave the Muslims in Hindustan unprotected.

Undivided provinces and protection for minority Muslims could only be achieved inside the framework of an union with an effective centre where the League had an equal say. So we must carefully assess why Jinnah did not jump more openly and more enthusiastically at what the Mission now offered in its Scheme A Then there were his own followers to consider.

Few among them would understand that the Mission had dealt them a royal flush or that equality at an all-India federal centre outweighed the advantages which a sovereign but truncated Pakistan would bring. He argued that equality at the centre was all very well on Cabinet paper, but would never work in Khadi practice.

Equality could hardly be assured inside a system of government where one party had the big battalions, and the other the small. What Jinnah needed was to get all the parties to agree to dissolve the existing centre, in principle if not in fact, and then immediately to recreate it on the basis of a sovereign Pakistan. In his opinion, this alone would ensure Muslims equal treatment at the centre, since it would be an equality underwritten by the law of nations:a treaty between sovereign states.

In return he was prepared to give up parts of the six Muslim provinces though Assam could hardly be considered a Muslim province to which he had laid claim. In fact he would have preferred the British to give him what they had offered and what he was ready to accept by an award, since the Congress was unlikely in the end to concede such a degree of sovereignty to Pakistan which his scheme demanded. So the British should impose their solution and stay on for a few years to make it stick.

Union here and now between the League and Congress provinces was all very well only provided the British remained to supervise fair play to the weaker partner represented by the League..

Both parties had diametrically different conceptions of what power the union centre should possess. Finance was the nub of the matter, since power comes out of the drawers of the till. Congress wanted a self-supporting centre, with control over subjects to do with revenue. Jinnah claimed he wanted a centre with no real financial powers, a mere agent for the federations, dependent on doles from the provinces.

He did not want the centre to have authority to levy taxes upon the groups. The union would have to be given a budget for defence, but that budget was to be kept to the minimum in line with previous expenditure by the two federations who would have to agree on what to give. If the union needed more money, Jinnah wanted its budget to go to the group legislatures for their approval. By his implacable opposition to an union legislature, Jinnah showed what he was really after.

But if there was to be a union legislature, parity for the League was of the essence: different legislatures would be entitled to elect an equal number of representatives to the union legislature, and the balance between the League and the Congress would be made immune to any changes, even if the princes were to come in later Jinnah thought he had made his point when he drew an analogy between the foreign policy of the British Commonwealth of Nations and the new India he wanted; but someone reminded him that the Commonwealth did not have a common foreign policy.

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The sole spokesman – a critique

Once the Cabinet had given the go-ahead[in March-April ], the way was clear to offer Jinnah the alternatives of a small Pakistan with sovereign rights and treaty relations with Hindustan, or a larger Pakistan with some minor boundary adjustments and only excluding Assam inside a federation with Hindustan. There was to be no union legislature and any question at the centre on which the two federal units failed to agree would be referred back to their respective group legislatures. Agreement would not be imposed by central dictate, but by agreement between two federated governments. Now the [Cabinet] Mission offered [Jinnah] the substance of what he was really after. His Pakistan did not intend to throw the advantages of an undivided Punjab and Bengal to the winds, nor did it plan to leave the Muslims in Hindustan unprotected.

FROM TIN FOIL TO STEREO EVOLUTION OF THE PHONOGRAPH PDF

The Sole Spokesman Quotes

Tojaramar The year is It does not matter who wanted partition or not. I think Said got it right. Interview with the Author on Tehelka, sounds very interesting. Murtaza Pracha rated it it was amazing Feb 25, Only when we begin to take decisions in our own interest [is malal we will truly be intellectually decolonised and able to turn this wasteland into a land of thousand flowers, blooming.

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