GARFINKEL AGNES PDF

Bear in mind that much of the way in which this story is discussed will be reflecting on attitudes held widely on gender in the s and s. The paper was written by one Dr. Garfinkel and his experience treating a patient called Agnes, whom he first met in November of Agnes had sought medical attention in her home town, been referred to a doctor in Los Angeles, who referred her to a colleague of Dr. Garfinkel who saw her with him. The nineteen year old Agnes was the youngest of four children, supported by her mother who worked in an aircraft plant.

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Kristen Schilt. Photo: Dan Dry. In October , a nineteen-year-old woman called Agnes approached the psychiatry department at UCLA, having been referred there by a physician in her hometown. She had long, fine dark-blonde hair, a young face with pretty features, a peaches-and-cream complexion, no facial hair, subtly plucked eyebrows, and no makeup except for lipstick.

So Agnes became a patient—and subject—of Dr. Robert Stoller and Harold Garfinkel. At the time, Garfinkel was writing an ethnomethodology of how individuals make accountable aspects of daily life and interactions—that is, how individuals might give an account of their interactions.

If this is true, little credit is due to Garfinkel and Stoller; they certainly did not intend to write a case study of a transgender person seeking transition. Rather, he was compelled by the basic question: What is at stake for a person passing?

If passing carries such a risk, what induces a person to pass, in spite of the risk of exposure, or worse? As in a game, too, there are winning outcomes, and losing ones. By closely studying gender, Garfinkel thought that we might see the ways in which our experiences of gender are routines rooted in our daily interactions. In October , several years after gaining access to surgery, Agnes returned to Dr.

But the doctors and Agnes were simply playing different games. Stoller and Garfinkel were trying to work out an ethnomethodological approach to passing; Agnes was trying to access corrective surgery.

And they have a good deal to teach us. The twinning of trans experiences five decades apart is profound. In one of the first scenes of the film, Drucker is having her makeup done as she listens to an archival tape of Agnes speaking.

Drucker imitates Agnes, catching the same guarded hesitancy, the same self-conscious lilt. Where Agnes is guarded, intent on saying the right thing, Drucker is not. He describes his frustration when Agnes permitted the environment to furnish her the answers to its own questions.

When I read over the transcripts, and listened again to the taped interviews while preparing this paper, I was appalled by the number of occasions on which I was unable to decide whether Agnes was answering my questions or whether she had learned from my questions, and more importantly from more subtle cues both prior to and after the questions, what answers would do.

Of course, Garfinkel is right that Agnes is two moves ahead of him. He thought she was passing as female, for the broader world, when really she was passing as intersex, for him. They had to be learned in situations in which she was not able to indicate that she was learning them. They had to be learned by participating in situations where she was expected to know the very things that she was simultaneously being taught. Garfinkel, says to Agnes, not without a dopey smugness.

Her response cuts two ways. But the truth is, neither does he. RL Goldberg is a Ph.

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Harold Garfinkel

Kristen Schilt. Photo: Dan Dry. In October , a nineteen-year-old woman called Agnes approached the psychiatry department at UCLA, having been referred there by a physician in her hometown. She had long, fine dark-blonde hair, a young face with pretty features, a peaches-and-cream complexion, no facial hair, subtly plucked eyebrows, and no makeup except for lipstick.

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Agnes Torres

Some explorations, I believe, can be extremely fascinating and revealing in their own right. In fact, as I will argue in the following pages, the text has a great deal to say about the argument the author is making and why the argument becomes convincing. One need only take the time to delve beyond the content of the text to look at the structure and the organising schemas or discourses in which the argument is framed. The present paper is an exploration of one such textual communication that underscores the deeper level at which an argument can operate. On the one hand, an argument operates at the level of the ideas themselves where the merit of the argument apparently rests on the strength and validity of the points presented, the supporting data and logic of their presentation. This is perhaps no more evident than in texts in the field of "interpretive sociologies" where the methodologies that result in the production of text can be turned back on the text itself. On the one hand, Garfinkel has given a pure methodological account of the continuous nature of the social production of gender Kessler and McKenna, ; Bologh, and, on the other, he has provided an exemplar of the ethnomethodological method that reveals how people produce stable, accountable, practical activities in everyday life.

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You can help by adding to it. Drawing on the work of earlier social theorists Marshall , Pareto , Durkheim , Weber , Parsons postulated that all social action could be understood in terms of an "action frame" consisting of a fixed number of elements an agent, a goal or intended end, the circumstances within which the act occurs, and its "normative orientation". They conduct themselves, according to Parsons, in a fashion "analogous to the scientist whose knowledge is the principal determinant of his action. Parsons sought to develop a theoretical framework for understanding how social order is accomplished through these choices.

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